The first intervention in the Dominican Ferrara intertwined with that of the nuns of the Dominican monastery of St. Agnes of Bologna. When Falcone, abbot of the Benedictine monastery of St. Adalberto in Perea, succeeded by John Abbot, the monks of the community exhibited damage to Gregory IX that the attitude of the Ghibellines had done the previous abbot of the monastery. The pontiff then commissioned to carry out some Dominicans an inspection, they reported that the only remedy for the situation that had arisen was to entrust the monastery to another order. Gregory IX entrusted this task June 17, 1230 three men: Aicardi Prior of S. Giorgio in Ferrara and two Dominicans, including Rinaldo prior of the Dominican convent of Faenza between Paul and Padua. November 13, 1230 they decided to reform S. Adalberto Cella flywheels. this reform is followed by two dismemberment: the parish church of Buda, situated between Bologna and Ravenna, passed by St. Adalberto the Dominicans of Bologna and Ferrara, the parish of St. Paul S. Ripagrande Adalbert Archbishop of Ravenna (in 1237) in exchange for full autonomy for Cell and S. Adalberto. Inoltre sempre in quel 13 novembre 1230 Gregorio IX, considerate le necessità delle povere suore di S. Agnese di Bologna, che si distinguono “per la loro vita onorevole e per la loro devozione e il fervore”, concede al loro sindaco Orabono “tutti i diritti, possessioni, corporali e incorporali, foreste, diritti di pesca e ogni altro diritto che apparteneva al monastero di S. Adalberto e dandoli in usufrutto”.
È certamente una questione difficile da risolvere quella che riguarda la tarda presenza dell’insediamento dei domenicani a Ferrara. Giunti a Bologna probabilmente già nel 1217 a motivo della sede universitaria si stabiliscono poi, tra il 1221-1222, a Piacenza, Parma, Faenza e Forlì. In this period they are absent from the city of Este of Ferrara, Modena and Reggio. A first element to explain what is the dominant presence in the town of Ferrara Salinguerra II Torelli, near Frederick II, that will bring the Cardinal Ugolino of Ostia, in the future Gregory IX, the most difficult problems. Although from 1221 onwards, next to Frederick II, now on good terms with the S. See with the cardinal legate, there Azzo VII d'Este, however, from 1224 to 1239, Salinguerra able to consolidate itself as the "sole and uncontrolled master of the city."
A recovery in the care of souls is perceptible by the chapter, the arrival of Pope Gregory IX, which called for reform of pastoral promotion of the presence of preachers among the secular clergy. These are the years, from 1222 to 1238, see the chapter in which undermined its assets and rights related to immune complex feudal landscape, so the support of common Salinguerra is essential. Gregory IX also has a special reason for supporting the line of the clergy chapter Ferrara in facilitating the appointment of a bishop in charge Garsendino, and more precisely the rights that the S. See it on Massafiscaglia and ripatici Ferrara and locally Ficarolo that are defensible only in the interests of the clergy.
The taking of possession by the city in 1224 was therefore Salinguerra be hailed as a relaxation from the bishop, the chapter and by the same S. See, that even before November 20, 1213 was having its mass Ficarolo occupied by the Este, officials discovered more and more of the sights of the city of Venice. In this context, it was difficult if already the introduction of smaller, more difficult and later had to get one of the Dominicans. It is in the folding bike dell'Alleluia in 1233-1235, that went from joyous to repentance, to commitment to construction of churches and fraternities that seem to perceive the time of entering the Dominicans in Ferrara. The likely presence of the Cathars in the city could not bring the policy to hold town filoezzeliniana far the presence of the Dominicans of the Inquisition in this regard. Only after the motion
dell'Alleluia, Salinguerra could not subtract from, and the Dominicans in the city. The first hint brings us to May 21, 1235. The abbess of the Benedictine nuns of St. Constance Andrea d Ravenna, along with her seven sisters appoint their attorney because Vitale Broken appoint arbitrators in the matter pending between them and the Benedictine nuns of St. Sylvester of Ferrara and Ravenna, Cardinal Giacomo Omobono doctor of laws of Ferrara. Where these are not agreed in the resolution will take a third judge and defer to its decision, the prior of the Friars Preachers of Ferrara. The question concerned the boundaries - "vallis terrae nemoris Bozoleti swamps, et in eadem eiuspertinentiis positis et de omnibus aliis quae quaestionibus vertuntur powerful vertical vel ... vel in praedictis above praedictis possessions bus positis below totum Pollicinum S. Georgii usque ad pozalem Capitis Sandals "-. This is the area where they will be advanced to settle in the thirteenth century the friars preachers. The designation of the arbitrators, even if adopted unilaterally by the Benedictine nuns of Ravenna, attests to the esteem already acquired by the Dominicans in Ravenna and Ferrara in harmony.
Another opportunity for settlement of the friars preachers in Ferrara is the one offered by the attempt to reform cell flywheels, with the intention of replacing the canonical that the regular garrison of the children of s. Domenico and in this attempt to reform November 20, 1237 Gregory IX, at the request of the Dominicans, is addressed to the Archbishop of Ravenna, the bishop of Comacchio and the Prior Provincial of the friars preachers of Lombardy. For the word of the pope's own canons of cell aspired to a self-reform, inspired perhaps by comparison with the Dominicans with whom they shared the rule of St. Augustine, but the pope is in any case for a reform in the continuity, while allowing, in the event of proven impossibility The introduction of a new order.
Friday Passion March 26, 1238, in a context that could be penitential religious gathering we have the first direct reference to the convent and church of the Dominicans of Ferrara is a small transaction, which it is articulated: "Guy of the quarter of Saint Farolf Thomas, for himself and his Benventurata sells itself and its a piece of land planted with vines located in Ferrara in the neighborhood I go in the S. Andrea, measuring more than two poles in the head (Ferrara) and six feet, three poles and in the inferior half, on the one hand, the long, thirty perches, on the other side of the parchment has a blank space. The agreed price is six pounds imperial already received. " In this way it is planning to outline the triangle has the vertex in S. Domenico and bases in S. Francis (Franciscan) and S. Andrea (agostiniano).
Tuttavia i domenicani non riscuotono molto successo quando si tratta di lasciti testamentari. Ad esempio molto incidentale è il ricordo per i domenicani in un testamento del 20 febbraio 1275 di Vivelda, vedova di Guidolino de Beis, che dimorava in una casa degli eremitani in contrada S. Andrea, e che su cento lire ferrarine destinate a legati, prevede appena un lascito di 10 soldi ai predicatori e ai minori, 20 a S. Paolo, carmelitano, e a S. Caterina, per quello che attiene il mondo mendicante, nel quale prevale l’attenzione verso gli agostiniani non legati ad obblighi di povertà comunitaria e particolarmente graditi a fasce garantistiche della società ferrarese.
Un caso diverso dal solito is the will of Guidoberto 8 July 1281 which states that the rent of a piece of land in Fossanova can always benefit the poor of Christ (friars preachers, children, hermits ...). It is the first time that religious mendicants, even the Friars Preachers, are ranked first among the poor of Christ, thus ushering in a new concept of charity in Ferrara.
is perhaps attributable, at least in part, in the presence of the bags in S. Paul, the secular congregatio of Our Lady Queen of Heaven to benefit the poor shameful. It may be that originally, the basis of this Marian Congregation for the poor, was a group of friars who were the regular penance bags or / and the other similar to the layman who turned out not S. Domenico.
for the hypothesis that leads more directly to the Dominicans may point out some considerations: the particular members are named in the act of 1314 congregatio fratres suggests that were such as members of the Horde poenitentia s. Domain, and the Virgin Glorious congregatio nothing more than a brotherhood of inspiration Dominican intended to help the poor Verecondo, whose members were placed in emulation in the charitable sector with fratres de poenitentia s. Francisci or rather with those who leaned toward the Franciscan world. Between the two groups also exist good relations as evidenced by between William Iudiciani appointing as his executors the ministers of the Franciscan group.
Franciscans is smaller than the scope of tasks delegated to the Dominicans by the municipal charter of 1287: except of course the role nell'inquisizione, preachers is specific only to the task of keeping the notebook listing the safeguards for those who have done so to satisfaction from the goods of strangers to the city. Unlike contributions to the improvements to bring the churches of children and hermits, there is no particular action by the municipality for the preachers.
The thirteenth century the Dominicans Ferrara is narrower than that given consent for minors; if they reached 44 donations from 1227 to 1306, the Dominicans share instead reached 27 between 1247 and 1306. Not much different is the situation with regard to the first half of '300: 111lasciti children and 74 to the Dominicans.
The century ends with a separation between sites Monastery Inquisition and implies that perhaps a clearer distinction of skills and methods, on the eve of a new century will know that soon a strong emphasis on the role of the Inquisition in the dispute between the Este and S. See (1304-1332).
[Andrea]
0 comments:
Post a Comment